Quiz 3 – Chapter 6 – Deter the Criminals
TRUE/FALSE
1. Liberals typically favor deterrence-oriented policies because they favor prevention.
2. Scared Straight programs are designed to deter by provoking fear in order to make crime seem more costly than beneficial to juveniles.
3. The “pulling levers” strategy has been shown to be effective in deterring crime because it is focused on select targets.
4. The fatalistic offender assumes that they will escape arrest and reap the rewards that crime has to offer.
5. An analysis of Rand Inmate Survey data revealed that the inmates acted rationally in calculating the costs and benefits of crime.
6. To this date, Ehrlich’s is the only high quality death penalty research that proves the death penalty deters murder.
7. Walker proposes that the death penalty does not deter crime.
8. The typical victim in an alcohol-related crash is the drunk driver who has no criminal justice record of drunk driving.
9. Crackdowns are an effective strategy that deters drunk driving for a long period of time.
10. Walker credits much of the decline in the motor vehicle death rate to social policies rather than criminal justice policies.
.
MULTIPLE CHOICE
1. The theory of deterrence
| a. | is the oldest criminal justice theory on record |
| b. | is one of the youngest criminal justice theories on record |
| c. | is simple but its application to actual practice is complex |
| d. | is complex in its requirements but simple to practice |
2. It is important to distinguish between
| a. | the costs and benefits of deterrence based policies in the criminal justice system |
| b. | the deterrent effect of the criminal law and the effect of other social institutions |
| c. | ineffective traditional forms of deterrence and effective modern forms of deterrence |
| d. | the deterrent effect and the effects of prevention-based criminal justice policies |
3. The theory of deterrence rests on a number of assumptions including
| a. | severity of punishment is more important than its certainty |
| b. | the notion that the CJS is the only institution able to promote deterrence |
| c. | the use of UCR data to communicate risk of apprehension to potential offenders |
| d. | people have to perceive consequences as unpleasant and act rationally |
4. _____(1)_____ deterrence is directed at individual offenders while _____(2)_____ deterrence is directed at society as a whole
| a. | (1) specific (2) general | c. | (1) absolute (2) marginal |
| b. | (1) general (2) specific | d. | (1) marginal (2) absolute |
5. This deterrence type looks at macro-level changes in public policy designed to increase the risk of apprehension
| a. | perceptual |
| b. | structural |
| c. | marginal |
| d. | general |
6. One of the reasons for being skeptical about how effectively deterrence-oriented policies are translated into practice is that
| a. | these policies are interpreted differently by police than they are by the courts |
| b. | they are typically avoided by liberal courtroom work groups |
| c. | we haven’t had the funding to implement these policies as intended |
| d. | the social stigma attached to crime commission is lost given frequent arrests of African American males |
7. Evaluations of Scared Straight programs revealed that
| a. | they were not implemented as intended |
| b. | none of them reduced crime and some had adverse outcomes |
| c. | they were not cost-effective |
| d. | they deterred more chronic offenders than first-time offenders |
8. Programs known as __________ exposed juveniles to prison conditions in order to provide direct evidence of the unpleasant consequences of criminal behavior.
| a. | Brutalization Experience | c. | Scared Straight |
| b. | Magic Bullet | d. | Diversion |
9. Official data shows that _____% of all Index crimes are reported to police..
| a. | 20 | c. | 50 |
| b. | 87 | d. | 37 |
10. Reasons provided to explain why offenders commit crime when they assess the bad consequences include ALL BUT WHICH of the following
| a. | offenders consistently underestimate financial rewards of crime |
| b. | offenders act impulsively |
| c. | offenders perceive no legitimate or meaningful work opportunities |
| d. | offenders overestimate the immediate, short-term gains |
11. The most promising POP initiative in the 1990s which was replicated in other locations was
| a. | Chicago Area Project |
| b. | Zero tolerance in New York |
| c. | Boston Gun Project |
| d. | Los Angeles Rampart – C.R.A.S.H. |
12. The pulling levers strategy focuses on
| a. | all potential offenders of property and violent crimes |
| b. | offenders and associates known to police |
| c. | offenders in prison who committed a gun-related crime |
| d. | offenders who are sex offenders |
13. The key elements of “pulling levers” that demonstrate how it is a focused application of deterrence include ALL BUT WHICH of the following
| a. | a focus on a select target group |
| b. | a message that includes both deterrent and rehabilitative components |
| c. | delivering on the threats and promises made |
| d. | relying on the perceptions of people in the community |
14. The following U.S. Supreme Court case held that the death penalty as applied was arbitrary and capricious and as such unconstitutional
| a. | Shall v. Martin |
| b. | Furman v. Georgia |
| c. | Gregg v. Georgia |
| d. | Ring v. Arizona |
15. The following U.S. Supreme Court case reinstituted the death penalty where there were guidelines to control its application
| a. | Shall v. Martin |
| b. | Furman v. Georgia |
| c. | Gregg v. Georgia |
| d. | Ring v. Arizona |
16. Sellin’s comparative research showed that
| a. | homicide rates increased in states when they abolished their death penalty and decreased when it was reinstated |
| b. | each execution deterred seven or eight murders |
| c. | states with the death penalty did not have lower crime rates than states that did not have the death penalty |
| d. | homicides decreased in the months following an execution |
17. Ehrlich’s research purported to prove that
| a. | each execution deterred seven or eight murders |
| b. | each execution contributed to an additional seven or eight murders |
| c. | each execution deterred 17 or 18 murders |
| d. | each execution contributed to an additional 17 or 18 murders |
18. Critics of Ehrlich’s death penalty research assert that his formula
| a. | does not control of the variables that affect the murder rate |
| b. | explains trends between the 1930s and 1960s but does not explain trends between the 1980s and 1990s |
| c. | does not explain trends between the 1930s and 1960s when executions declined while the crime rate declined or remained stable |
| d. | cannot explain trends during the moratorium on the death penalty from 1972-1976 |
19. The most recent and most comprehensive review of the research has shown
| a. | the death penalty has a strong deterrence effect on crime |
| b. | the death penalty has moral and constitutional properties |
| c. | there is a lack of consensus on the deterrent effect of the death penalty |
| d. | the death penalty affects the murder rate |
20. Advocates of the death penalty claim that the __________ element of deterrence is undermined as a result of the appeals process.
| a. | rationality | c. | speed |
| b. | severity | d. | perception |
21. Many death penalty cases are vacated through ALL BUT WHICH of the following means
| a. | clemency |
| b. | appeal |
| c. | death by natural causes |
| d. | suicide |
22. Project Innocence has exonerated more than 200 convicted offenders primarily due to
| a. | DNA technology |
| b. | eyewitness testimony |
| c. | police investigation |
| d. | suspect intimidation |
23. Current data indicate that
| a. | 32% of all traffic fatalities are caused by impaired drunk drivers |
| b. | 32% of all traffic fatalities are alcohol related |
| c. | 32,000 people are killed each year by drunk drivers |
| d. | 32% of drivers who have consumed alcohol are impaired by it |
24. Select the drunk driving myth from the following list
| a. | people with a serious drinking problem and many arrests frequently beat the system |
| b. | alcohol related does not mean alcohol was the cause of the accident |
| c. | most drivers killed in alcohol-related crashes do not have a history of drunk driving |
| d. | the criminal justice system is tough on drunk drivers |
25. The reality of driving after drinking is that
| a. | it is limited to a few dangerous people |
| b. | innocent bystanders are the typical victims of alcohol-related crashes |
| c. | a small number of people with serious drinking problems and many arrests are responsible for the majority of alcohol-related fatalities |
| d. | drinking and driving is a routine part of a society where driving is universal and drinking is an acceptable social custom |
26. It is a myth to think that innocent drivers or bystanders are the typical victims of alcohol related crashes when faced with evidence from the chapter that
| a. | 68% of people killed have at least three prior drunk driving arrests |
| b. | 68% of people killed are drivers in other cars, some of whom were impaired by alcohol |
| c. | 68% of people killed are the drunk drivers themselves |
| d. | innocent drivers or bystanders are the typical victims of alcohol related crashes |
27. Among the myths concerning drunk driving is
| a. | that those with serious drinking problems beat the system |
| b. | a grossly exaggerated bi-annual number of deaths due to drunk driving |
| c. | innocent drivers and bystanders are typically the victims of alcohol-related crashes |
| d. | all of the above |
28. There are several reasons for thinking that tougher punishment is likely to work with drunk driving, including the fact that
| a. | the certainty requirement is already being met so a more severe punishment will strengthen the deterrent effect |
| b. | the drunk driver meets all of the assumptions set forth in the theory of deterrence |
| c. | people who drink and drive have a stake in society and feel threatened by the stigma of arrest |
| d. | a & c |
29. The Road Safety Act in England demonstrated
| a. | initial deterrence decay as there was a decline in traffic fatalities and injuries upon implementation of the law that increased over time |
| b. | a deterrence program based in fear that has a zero-tolerance policy for any traffic infraction |
| c. | the failure of interlock breathalyzer systems in cars |
| d. | how access to public transportation reduces drinking and driving |
30. The announcement effect may change the behavior of
| a. | the public, but not the police | c. | the police, but not the public |
| b. | the public and the police | d. | neither the public or the police |
31. One of the main problems with drunk driving crackdowns is that
| a. | they require long-term behavior change |
| b. | they are unconstitutional |
| c. | the risk of arrest is extremely low |
| d. | people avoid them by taking side streets |
32. One of the factors undermining the deterrent effect of a crackdown on drunk driving cases in court is that
| a. | the punishment is delayed so the speedy element of deterrence goes unmet |
| b. | offenders do not perceive the consequences as unpleasant |
| c. | crackdowns reduce the specific deterrent while increasing the general deterrent |
| d. | mandatory sentences may be evaded |
33. Data on evasion of the law in drunk driving cases shows that
| a. | it is more common among prosecutors than judges |
| b. | evasions may be deliberate or unintentional |
| c. | evasion of drunk driving laws is universal |
| d. | evasion does not occur |
34. Traffic fatality trends reveal that
| a. | the motor vehicle death rate has declined since 1927 including a 50% decline since 1980 |
| b. | crackdowns are credited with 50% of the decline in the motor vehicle death rate |
| c. | the motor vehicle death rate has declined but drunk drivers have switched to motorcycles |
| d. | the motor vehicle death rate has increased dramatically since the 1980s |
35. Explanations for the trends in motor vehicle death rates include
| a. | safer cars |
| b. | changing attitudes and behavior due to socialization |
| c. | limited driving privileges for teens and raising the legal drinking age to 21 |
| d. | all of the above |
| e. | none of the above |
36. Walker proposes that
| a. | crackdowns and tougher penalties are the most effective means for reducing drunk driving and traffic fatalities |
| b. | criminal law strategies have more promise for reducing drunk driving and traffic fatalities |
| c. | a combination of criminal law and alternative strategies can effectively reduce drunk driving and traffic fatalities |
| d. | drunk driving and fatalities cannot be reduced
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