Gather Evidence to Test Hypotheses
See if this criminal activity is linked to other social problems and whether effective responses have been devised and implemented.
Now that the term road rage is firmly entrenched in the vocabulary of law, criminal justice, and journalism, discus- sions of the problem generate many interesting hypotheses. For example, a number of possible societal causes have been suggested. Can increases or decreases in road rage be corre- lated with other indicators of changes in the pace of life and the level of tension, frustration, alienation, and cutthroat competition in an area at a given time and place? Does the problem have deeper societal roots than just the chance encounter of two foul-tempered/short-fused individuals? To what extent is road rage the outgrowth of underlying social problems, such as alcohol consumption and drug abuse; overall levels of aggression, rage, and untreated mental ill- ness; as well as increases in commuting time, road traffic, construction delays, and rush-hour congestion (see Smart and Mann, 2002; and Asbridge et al., 2003).
Another interesting hypothesis that needs investigation is: Does the yearly incidence of highway violence closely track the level of violence on the streets—in other words, if public safety improves and the streets become more peaceful, does the occurrence of road rage also decline?
(Continued)
WH AT I S V I C T IMO LO G Y ? 31
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WHY STUDY VICTIMOLOGY?
One last parallel between criminology and victimol- ogy merits highlighting. Criminology and victimol- ogy are not well-paying fields ripe with lucrative opportunities for employment and advancement. Studying the modus operandi of criminals and the mistakes made by the individuals they injured cer- tainly doesn’t make a person invincible to physical attacks, thefts, or swindles, although this heightened awareness might reduce the risks a student of human behavior and criminal conduct faces. Yet for several good reasons a growing number of people are invest- ing time, energy, and money to study victimology in training academies and college courses.
First of all, those who study the plight of victims benefit intellectually, as do all social scientists, by gaining insights into everyday life, solving puzzling and troubling issues, better appreciating life’s subtle- ties, seeing phenomena more clearly, and under- standing complex situations more profoundly. Second, intellectually curious individuals can profit from pursuits that expand their horizons, trans- cend the limits of their own experiences in the familiar routines of everyday life, free them from irrational fears and unfounded concerns, and enable them to overcome gut reactions of fatalism, cynicism, emotionalism, and deep-seated prejudices. Third, the findings generated from theorizing and applied research have practical applications that
The next set of hypotheses to be tested is whether the measures to curb road rage are working effectively. Legisla- tures in a number of states passed tough new laws against recklessly aggressive driving, hoping to deter or weed out the problem drivers who are at high risk of causing road rage incidents. Police departments and state highway patrol agencies devised new ways of monitoring and videotaping traffic flow and accidents, and launched crackdowns to vig- orously enforce traffic laws. Criminologists need to evaluate whether these crime control strategies are bringing roadway violence under control.
At the same time, the National Safety Council, the AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety, insurance companies, and government agencies such as the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration developed awareness and education campaigns, warning the public about how quickly minor traffic confrontations could escalate into dangerous show- downs. Is there much that fearful motorists can do to mini- mize their chances of becoming the target of another driver’s wrath, or at least to halt the up-and-back interplay before it spirals out of control? As soon as the problem was recog- nized, articles in the popular press and road safety educa- tional materials alerted motorists about “How to avoid getting shot at” and “How to handle on-the-road hostility” plus other practical suggestions for those on the receiving end of aggressive driving (see Best, 1991; and Mizell, 1997). In 2007, the governor of Michigan, and in 2009, the governor of Alabama, responding to an educational campaign against “emotional driving” sponsored by a self-help group founded by a parent of a woman killed in an incident, proclaimed the
middle of July as “Road Rage Awareness Week” (Targeted News Services, 2009). Are the pragmatic tips disseminated in driver education campaigns really effective as a way of pre- venting victimization? If road rage incidents decline after practical advice is widely disseminated, then these victim- oriented countermeasures might deserve some credit for helping concerned motorists stay out of trouble. Comparisons of changes in the levels of reported road rage crimes in sim- ilar jurisdictions that did and did not implement these strat- egies should shed light on this matter.
Finally, what have been the long-term trends over the decades? Is road rage (as distinct from changes in media coverage) genuinely increasing or decreasing as the years roll by? In 1997, the House Subcommittee on Surface Transpor- tation held hearings about a reported epidemic of “auto anarchy” that was “transforming the nation’s roadways into crime scenes.” In the midst of all this publicity, however, skeptics pointed out that statistics showed that the numbers of accidents, highway deaths, and crash-related injuries actually were trending downward, especially when the increases in the number of drivers, registered vehicles, and the total miles traveled were taken into account. Perhaps the entire road rage problem had been blown way out of propor- tion right at the outset by journalists trying to attract large audiences, politicians seeking campaign donations and votes, therapists looking to profit from heightened fears of a newly recognized emotional “disorder,” and lobbyists representing publicity-hungry agencies and organizations (see Drivers.com staff, 1997; Fumento, 1998; Rathbone and Huckabee, 1999; Hennessy and Wiesenthal, 2002; and “Rising Rage,” 2005).
B O X 1.5 (Continued)
32 CH APT ER 1
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simultaneously ease the distress of others and foster a sense of purpose, self-worth, accomplishment, and satisfaction that comes from combating social injustices.
Those who study how individuals shape and in return are influenced by the realities around them are developing their “sociological imagination” (Mills, 1959)—a recognition of how their particular personal troubles usually are outgrowths of and can be traced back to larger social problems (like pov- erty, unemployment, dysfunctional families, and failing schools). Specifically, by exercising their “criminological imagination” (see Young, 2011), those who focus on lawbreaking can raise their consciousness about the connections between indi- vidual difficulties, historic injustices, prevailing social institutions and ideologies, contemporary cul- ture, and the shortcomings of academic research and theorizing in order to recognize the sharp con- trast between what is and what could be.
Besides paying these dividends, it’s possible to profit in other ways by studying various aspects of victimization.
Scrutinizing victim–offender interactions can shed light on how miscommunication, misunder- standings, desires, obsessions, demands, stereotypes, reckless behavior, and provocative acts can trigger harsh reactions that can lead to needless conflict and avoidable tragedies.
Analyzing the way that certain victims are crit- icized and blamed for their own downfall raises vital questions about the degree to which individuals are able to determine their own fate as opposed to the extent to which larger social forces and pressures shape a person’s behavior and social circumstances.
Exploring how some victims are assisted by social programs while others are left to fend for themselves raises profound issues about the proper role of government and its collectively funded and organized safety net meant to cushion the fall of individuals reeling from the impact of serious losses and major expenses.
Examining how some individuals and groups stress self-reliance and taking responsibility for one’s well-being, especially in terms of arming in self-defense against troublemakers, while others
emphasize relying on police protection and collec- tive undertakings meant to eradicate the social roots of crime, helps to clarify the differing assumptions and values that underlie political conflicts between those believing in right wing as opposed to left wing ideologies.
Delving into the dark side of family life—child abuse, spouse abuse, and elder abuse—sheds light on the all-too-common dysfunctional relationships that undermine the notion of being “safe at home” as a sanctuary from the cruelties of the outside world, and suggests ways to prevent or correct these difficult situations.
Investigating how the police and courts handle the casualties of interpersonal violence uncovers the criminal justice system’s priorities, and the extent to which agencies that are supposed to deliver “blind justice” and treat persons equally actually take into account the victim’s social class, race, sex, and age. It also reveals how injured parties define the elusive ideal of “justice” in terms of varying beliefs about vengeance, penitence, forgiveness, and reconciliation.
Examining the way victims were treated in the past and how they are responded to in other socie- ties reveals what has been, what might be, what should be avoided, and what ought to be emulated and adopted.