THE CONSEQUENCES OF BEING SEXUALLY ASSAULTED
Victimologists have studied the plight of rape vic- tims intensively for several decades. Researchers aim to assess the nature of the suffering and to dis- cover ways to speed the recovery process (see McCahill, Williams, and Fischman, 1979; Girelli et al., 1986; Burt and Katz, 1987; Allison and Wrightsman, 1993; Wiehe and Richards, 1995; Giannelli, 1997; and Zinzow et al., 2012).
Being raped is almost always a life-altering experience and may haunt the survivor for the rest of her life. The ordeal itself and the turmoil that follows challenges and may even transform her identity and the assumptions she makes about the world. The emotional impact is manifested largely as fear, anxiety, depression, sexual dysfunc- tion, and feelings of isolation. The mental toll shows up as the loss of illusions about invulnerabil- ity and immortality, the destruction of a sense of predictability within her environment and of the meaning of events in her life, and a diminution in her sense of self-worth. Other terrible conse- quences can include chronic physical pain, a sub- stance abuse habit, and the contraction of a venereal disease or, in rare instances, HIV/AIDS infections (Campbell and Wasco, 2005; and Marx, 2005).
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The distress from being treated as an object instead of a person may plunge her into a rape crisis syndrome. The acute initial phase lasts for two or three weeks immediately following the sex- ual attack. Typical short-term reactions include revulsion, shock, anger, fury, self-recrimination, fear, sorrow, and total disorientation. She often suf- fers nausea, tension headaches, and an inability to sleep. The second phase, in which the individual’s personality reintegrates, can last much longer and is characterized by recurring nightmares, defensive reactions, and strains in relationships with men. Many try to reorganize their daily lives by changing jobs, moving to a new location, dropping out of college, and limiting personal contacts. Lingering effects often include loss of sexual desire and the development of fears: of being confined indoors, about going outdoors among strangers, of being alone as well as being in crowds, and of people stealthily approaching from behind (Burgess and Holmstrom, 1974; Giannelli, 1997; and Resick and Nishith, 1997).
Like others who are stunned by an unexpected, life-threatening ordeal, individuals who were raped can suffer from posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) during the crime’s immediate aftermath. They may re-experience the attack repeatedly in day- dreams, flashbacks, or nightmares. Other symptoms include feeling different; wanting to avoid things that serve as reminders of the trauma; and suffering a general lack of interest or enthusiasm, an inability to concentrate, and increased irritability (Williams, 1987; and Zinzow et al., 2010). A recognition of the severe consequences of the crime for the person abused as someone else’s sex object should dispel any notions that rape is an act of passion rather than of subjugation and ought to demolish any beliefs that the unwilling target somehow secretly desired or enjoyed being handled so violently.
Even though most rapes are not completed (according to the yearly NCVS surveys, about two-thirds are not), females who thwart their assai- lants’ intentions can still suffer serious psychological scars. In fact, women who endured attempted rapes were more likely to contemplate suicide and even to try to kill themselves than women who suffered
completed rapes, according to the results of a tele- phone survey (Kilpatrick, 1985).
Women who live through gang rapes by multi- ple offenders generally suffer more than victims of single offenders, in the form of physical injuries, PTSD, and suicide attempts. Those subjected to gang rapes were more inclined to disclose their pro- blems to the police, medical providers, and mental health programs but shockingly reported that they frequently received negative reactions from these peo- ple to whom they turned for help (Ullman, 2007).
One potential negative consequence of being raped is becoming pregnant. Periodically, the num- ber of pregnancies arising from rapes—and what the victims should be allowed or encouraged to do about them—becomes a divisive high-profile issue because it is linked to the debate over abortion. Some anti-abortion legislation promoted by the pro-life movement does not allow for any excep- tions, even for unwanted pregnancies resulting from incest or rape (see Editorial Board, New York Times, 2014). One study projected that over 30,000 pregnancies a year in the United States result from rapes (see Dellorto, 2012). An awkward, if not painful, situation can develop if the rapist doesn’t get into legal trouble: In most states, he can sue for visitation and even custody rights.