What did he mean by the Despotism of the Peticoat (a woman undergarment)?
ABIGAIL Adams to John Adams, March 31, 1776: I long to hear that you have declared an inde- pendancy [sic] and by the way in the new Code of Laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make I would desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favourable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the Husbands. Remember all men would be tyrants if they could. If particuliar care and attention is not paid to the Ladies we are determined to foment a Rebelion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we have no voice, or Representation.
That your Sex are Naturally Tyrannical is a Truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of Master for the more tender and endear- ing one of Friend. Why then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the Lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity with im- punity. Men of Sense in all Ages abhor those customs which treat us only as the vassals of your Sex. Regard us then as Beings placed by providence under your protection and in immitation of the Supreme Being make use of that power only for our happiness.
John Adams to Abigail Adams, April 14, 1776: As to Declarations of Independency, be pa- tient. Read our Privateering Laws, and our Commercial Laws. What signifi es a Word.
As to your extraordinary Code of Laws, I cannot but laugh. We have been told that our Struggle has loosened the bands of Government every where. That Children and Apprentices were disobedient—that schools and Colleges were grown turbulent— that Indians slighted their Guardians and Negroes grew insolent to their Masters. But your Letter was the first Intimation that another Tribe more numerous and powerful than all the rest were grown discontented. This is rather too coarse a Compliment but you are so saucy, I wont blot it out.
Depend upon it, We know better than to repeal our Masculine systems. Altho they are in full Force, you know they are little more than Theory. We dare not exert our Power in its full Latitude. We are obliged to go fair, and softly, and in Practice you know We are the subjects. We have only the Name of Masters, and rather than give up this, which would completely sub- ject Us to the Despotism of the Peticoat, I hope General Washington, and all our brave Heroes would fi ght. . . .
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, Braintree April 27, 1776: He is very saucy to me in return for a List of Female Grievances which I transmitted to him I think I will get you to join me in a peti- tion to Congress. I thought it was very probable our wise Statesmen would erect a
ABIGAIL ADAMS DISCUSSES WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN REVOLUTIONARY AMERICA WITH JOHN ADAMS AND MERCY OTIS WARREN (1776)
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THE ASSUMPTIONS OF REPUBLICANISM If Americans agreed on nothing else, they agreed that their new governments would be republican. To them, that meant a political system in which all power came from the people, rather than from some supreme authority (such as a king). Th e success of such a
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New Government and form a new code of Laws. I ventured to speak a word on behalf of our Sex, who are rather hardly dealt with by the Laws of England which gives such unlimited power to the Husband to use his wife.
I requested that our Legislators would consider our case and as all Men of Delicacy and Sentiment are adverse to Exercising the power they possess, yet as there is a natural propensity in Human Nature to domination, I thought the most generous plan was to put it out of the power of the Arbitrary and tyranick to injure us with im- punity by Establishing some Laws in favour upon just and Liberal principals. I believe I even threatened fomenting a Rebellion in case we were not considered and assured him we would not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we had neither a voice nor representation.
In return he tells me he cannot but Laugh at my extraordinary Code of Laws. That he had heard their Struggle had loosened the bands of Government, that children and ap- prentices were disobedient, that Schools and Colleges had grown turbulent, that Indians slighted their Guardians, and Negroes grew insolent to their Masters. But my Letter was the fi rst intimation that another Tribe more numerous and powerful than all the rest were grown discontented. This is rather too coarse a complement, he adds, but that I am so saucy he wont blot it out.
So I have helped the Sex abundantly, but I will tell him I have only been making trial of the Disinterestedness of his Virtue, and when weigh’d in the balance have found it
wanting. It would be bad policy to grant us greater power say they since under all the disadvantages we Labour we have the as- cendency over their Hearts. And charm by accepting, by submitting sway.
Abigail Adams to John Adams, May 7, 1776: I can not say that I think you very generous to the Ladies, for whilst you are proclaiming peace and good will to men, Emancipating all Nations, you insist upon retaining an ab- solute power over Wives. But you must re- member that Arbitrary power is like most other things which are very hard, very liable to be broken and notwithstanding all your wise Laws and Maxims we have it in our power not only to free our selves but to subdue our Masters, and without violence throw both your natural and legal authority at our feet. “Charm by accepting, by submitting sway Yet have our Humour most when we obey.”
UNDERSTAND, ANALYZE, & EVALUATE
1. What was Abigail Adams’ opinion of men in power and what did she request of John Adams as they declared independence?
2. To what other social developments did John Adams compare his wife’s request? What did he mean by the “Despotism of the Peticoat” (a women’s undergarment)?
3. What did Abigail Adams predict in her second letter to John Adams? What do you think of her assessment of “Arbitrary power”?
Source: The Adams Family Correspondence, eds. L. H. Butterfi eld et al. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1963), vol. I, 29–31.
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government depended on the character of its citizenry. If the population consisted of sturdy, independent property owners imbued with civic virtue, then the republic could survive. If it consisted of a few powerful aristocrats and a great mass of dependent work- ers, then it would be in danger. From the beginning, therefore, the ideal of the small freeholder (the independent landowner) was basic to American political ideology. Jeff erson,