Donuts and Identity: American Culture
Besides preserving and promoting aspects of Cambodian life and Cambodian values, donut shops also offer a chance for refugees to negotiate aspects of life in the United States. They can become familiar with an American busi- ness model (and, to a limited extent, American foodways) while employing a Cambodian work ethic that emphasizes hard labor and long hours. Workers can practice English, albeit with a somewhat limited vocabulary. (As the New York Times reported, “The first English words that Ly Yiv learned . . . were the names of donuts: twist, glazed and jelly, chocolate, buttermilk and old-fash- ioned.”)76 They can network, share stories, and offer advice to one another. Donut shop owners and workers can interact with other Los Angeles residents from a variety of class and ethnic backgrounds and thereby situate them- selves within the city’s complicated social landscape. Chin told stories about residents of a wealthy neighborhood adjacent to her shop who became not only regular customers but also benefactors who gave generous tips to help her family.77 At the same time, she endured her customers’ open racism and contempt for her refugee status.78 As a whole, the practices of Cambodian ref- ugees in donut businesses are reminiscent of Ong’s description of Cambodian
Erin M. Curtis
24
refugees negotiating American citizenship in institutional settings: “In official and public domains—refugee camps, the welfare state, the court system, com- munity hospitals, local churches, and civic organizations—refugees become the subjects of norms, rules, and systems, but they also modify practices and agendas while nimbly deflecting control and interjecting critique.”79 The Cam- bodian donut shops of Los Angeles serve as similar sites of contact with Amer- ican customs, but storeowners and workers also use these spaces to assert a Cambodian identity, suggesting that Ong’s argument extends to commercial as well as institutional spheres.
Conclusion
In little more than thirty years, Cambodian donut shops have become impor- tant sites of cultural negotiation in Los Angeles. Recognizing their economic potential and viability, Cambodian entrepreneurs have parlayed a popular treat into a thriving commercial concern through the successful application of core business strategies and adaptation to their particular locale. In doing so, they have created spaces that simultaneously embody their memories of the past and aspirations for the future and allow for the negotiation of overlapping identities. It is important to note, however, that with very few exceptions, the first generation of Cambodians to come to the United States does not see itself as having a privileged relationship to a uniquely Cambodian American iden- tity through donuts. Instead, they continue to identify themselves primarily as survivors and to see donuts as a means to two ends: a living for themselves and a wider range of opportunities for their children.
The global financial crisis of the early twenty-first century has threatened the ability of Cambodian donut shop entrepreneurs to rely on their businesses for survival, particularly as the first generation of refugees ages and looks toward retirement. In addition, the cost of supplies and rent has risen dramati- cally,80 decreasing the amount of profit that a donut shop can yield at any given time. “Right now, economy not so good,” Chhu stated.81 Sokhom explained, “So instead of ten days, now you have to do eighteen day or twenty day to pay just the rent.”82 Furthermore, because of the stagnant real estate market, donut shop owners who once expected to retire by selling their properties can no longer rely on this plan. According to Sokhom:
Now suddenly they lose almost everything. Because if I want to buy a donut shop from you, I’ll look at the cash flow. So suddenly the rent was $1,500 and now it’s $3,000. So your donut shop is almost half as much. Your donut shop can,